Written by Lucas Myers
The Quad’s role is clearer in 2024 than in 2017 or 2007. It coordinates and ensures the provision of public goods in an era of great power competition that is about much more than just traditional hard power security.
Read MoreWritten by Patrizia Cogo Morales
Like the US and France, other European countries and their private sectors should enhance their engagement with India, given the significant potential in military procurement deals and the defence industry overall.
Read MoreWritten by Abhishek Sharma
As both countries explore new areas of opportunities beyond the traditional emphasis on trade and commerce, emerging technologies and defence have particularly captured the attention of both governments.
Read MoreWritten by Manali Kumar and Chetan Rana
After a decade of sliding towards authoritarianism, a return to coalition politics promises a path to redemocratisation. Without a clear majority, the BJP can no longer bypass parliamentary scrutiny.
Read MoreWritten by Satvik Pendyala and Nathaniel Sher
As the United States adapts to rising strategic competition with China, it has sought to strengthen ties with New Delhi as a key partner in the Indo-Pacific.
Read MoreWritten by Sankaran Krishna and Aditi Malhotra
If the other members of the Quad harden their stance against the Chinese, India will find it increasingly difficult to continue its balancing act of being part of a group hostile to the very country on which its own economic survival depends.
Read MoreWritten by Ian Hall
New Delhi clearly believes — rightly — that India’s relationship with the United States, underpinned by a shared interest in better managing China’s assertiveness in the Indo-Pacific, is sufficiently robust to weather disagreement over this war.
Read MoreWritten by Giulia Sciorati
As the SCO opens to other Asian sub-regions and even the African continent, Central Asia risks losing its centrality and becoming a minor geographical area compared to the Gulf or Southeast Asia, where the national interests of SCO member states (and China, above all) are prominent.
Read MoreWritten by Miriam Prys-Hansen and Simon Kaack
The need to cooperate in matters of climate change requires partnerships among states, such as India and China, that in other contexts are competitors — if not rivals. This simultaneity of cooperation and competition is one of the key features of the emerging multipolar order and should take centre stage in both policy and academic research.
Read MoreWritten by Akanksha Narain
At a time like this, India’s back and forth on its wheat export diplomacy has a magnified impact on global food security as well as its own international standing.
Read MoreWritten by Teo S. Marasigan
Attempts to criminalise red-tagging and declare it a human rights violation show how citizens and civil society in the Philippines are fighting back in the legal sphere against an instrument of repression used by a government that has become an avatar of democratic decline in the world.
Read MoreWritten by Rajni Gamage
Sri Lanka’s latest national economic crisis is also triggering a crisis in its foreign policy. The country’s government is compelled to diversify its foreign policy engagement in order to manage its relatively large foreign debt.
Read MoreWritten by Chirayu Thakkar
Expats interested in returning to their roots are important tourists to places of religious and cultural significance. The inbound remittances and heritage tourism support both states as well as the centre.
Read MoreWritten by Andrea Malji
The trade relationship between Myanmar and Sri Lanka has flourished. In addition, both countries have signed several agreements and MOU’s over the past decade, signalling important growth between the two countries. It is unclear how the recent coup in Myanmar will impact bilateral relations though some analysts worry Sri Lanka is following a similar path.
Read MoreChris Ogden is a Senior Lecturer/Associate Professor in Asian Security at the University of St Andrews. His book China and India: Asia's Emergent Great Powers was published in April 2017.
Read MoreWith Happymon Jacob
When one looks at Sino-EU relations from New Delhi, it seems that the EU is not so critical of Chinese policy. The EU wants to do business with China and Brussels is not very keen to push back on Beijing's aggressive behaviour or criticise its conduct toward smaller countries in the Indo-Pacific. The CAI, which replaces 16 existing economic agreements with Beijing with a single major agreement is perhaps indicative of this.
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